Dels Millions Fruit Machine
2021年10月9日Register here: http://gg.gg/w6780
Q: Did Nancy Pelosi get wage breaks and tax credits for the American Samoan operations of a company in which her husband owns $17 million worth of stock?
A: This widely e-mailed claim is false. Pelosi’s husband doesn’t own that stock, despite what a bogus Wikipedia entry briefly claimed. Furthermore, American Samoa never got the minimum wage exemption it sought.
*Luzon (Tagalog pronunciation: or ) is the largest and most populous island in the Philippines.It is ranked 15th largest in the world by land area.Located in the northern portion of the archipelago, it is the economic and political center of the nation, being home to the country’s capital city, Manila, as well as Quezon City, the country’s most populous city.
*Pelosi’s 2007 financial disclosure statement, which lists between $9 million and $11 million in stocks owned by her husband, shows no StarKist, Del Monte or Heinz stock holdings.
Shape the cookies using the machine, and then place the cookies into the oven! Chocolate-making Mix together the cocoa powder, sugar, and milk, etc. Then, pour the chocolate mixture into the mold, and then place it into the refrigerator to chill! Jelly-making Choose a fruit that you are fond of, and then make juice with it. Learn why Mars is the company millions want to join, stay and grow with. Visit This Section Petcare Mars Wrigley Food Edge Sustainability Plan. Back Sustainability Plan Sustainability Plan At Mars, we are committed to helping create a safe, healthy and sustainable world for our partners and the communities in which we operate.
FULL QUESTION
I received this e-mail. Is it true?
Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi’s home House District includes San Francisco.
@isc888bkk. Star-Kist Tuna’s headquarters are in San Francisco, Pelosi’s home district.
Star-Kist is owned by Del Monte Foods and is a major contributor to Pelosi.
Star-Kist is the major employer in American Samoa employing 75% of the Samoan workforce.
[EET ]Paul Pelosi, Nancy’s husband, owns $17 million dollars of Star-Kist stock.
In January, 2007 when the minimum wage was increased from $5.15 to $7.25, Pelosi had American Samoa exempted from the increase so Del Monte would not have to pay the higher wage. This would make Del Monte products less expensive than their competition’s.
Last week when the huge bailout bill was passed, Pelosi added an earmark to the final bill adding $33 million dollars for an ’economic development credit in American Samoa’.
Pelosi has called the Bush Administration ’corrupt’.
She should know.[/EET]
FULL ANSWER
This is the latest version of a falsehood that’s been circulating since January 2007, when Congress was debating a minimum wage increase. The central claims are all wrong.
No $17 Million in Stock
To start, it’s simply not true that Pelosi’s husband owns $17 million worth of Del Monte stock, giving her a ’corrupt’ motive to aid the company. (Nor does he own such an interest in Del Monte’s primary shareholder, Heinz, as alleged in some versions of this message.)
We traced this false claim back to a 2007 article in the conservative NewsBusters blog, which attributed it only to a single, unsupported sentence in Wikipedia’s article on Del Monte. That’s hardly an authoritative source. Wikipedia articles may be written or edited by any user, making the site notorious for its vulnerability to false entries, pranks and vandalism. NewsBusters editors later admitted that its claim ’has not otherwise been verified’ and that ’there is reason to believe that the claim of such ownership interest on the part of Paul Pelosi is suspect.’ Actually, NewsBusters fell for a Wikipedia hoax.
The sentence about Paul Pelosi was added to the Del Monte Foods article on Jan. 12, 2007, the same day that the NewsBusters article was published. Within six hours, a Wikipedia editor flagged it as ’not verified’ and ’unsourced’ and then quickly deleted it altogether. Pelosi’s 2007 financial disclosure statement, which lists between $9 million and $11 million in stocks owned by her husband, shows no StarKist, Del Monte or Heinz stock holdings. Neither do her 2006 or 2005 reports. Filing a false disclosure statement is a serious offense, carrying a fine of up to $10,000, and we’ve seen no evidence that Pelosi’s report is inaccurate.
No ’Major Contributor’
It is also untrue that Del Monte is a ’major contributor’ to Pelosi, or a contributor at all. The company doesn’t rank among her top contributors in any year, and neither does the National Food Processors Association PAC, to which Del Monte contributes. A search of contribution records covering the last 18 years shows that Pelosi has not received any contributions of $200 or more from Del Monte or StarKist employees.
No Evidence of Favortism
Stripped of the false claims that Pelosi stood to profit personally from her action, or that she was acting to favor a campaign donor, the e-mail’s claim amounts to nothing more than accusing her of doing favors for a company located in her home district. That’s pretty much what House members are elected to do. But even this claim rests on flimsy evidence.
It is true that StarKist Tuna was, until recently, owned by Del Monte Foods and headquartered in Pelosi’s home district. On October 7, the company was bought out by South Korean conglomerate Dongwon Industries, which moved the headquarters to Pittsburgh. It’s true that StarKist is a major employer in American Samoa, where tuna canning is a backbone of the economy. And it’s true that American Samoa was exempted from the minimum wage increase that the House passed in 2007. But that’s where the solid parts of this e-mail end.
It’s not at all clear that Pelosi pushed to shield American Samoa from minimum wage increases. A spokesperson for Pelosi has said that the exemption was requested by delegate Eni Faleomavaega, who represents American Samoa in a nonvoting capacity. We can’t say for certain that Pelosi had no hand in pushing the Samoan exemption. But there’s no evidence that she did. For his part, Faleomavaega was vocal about his concerns regarding the impact that automatic minimum wage increases would have on the Samoan economy. Faleomavaega supported a minimum wage increase, but wanted Congress to work out a different way to improve wages in Samoa, one that would have less impact on the territory’s economy.
Faleomavaega also criticized Del Monte for failing to respond to rumors that Pelosi was showing them favoritism because of their political contributions:
Letter to Del Monte president, May 11, 2007: Throughout the minimum wage debate, Del Monte has chosen to remain silent while Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi has been unfairly attacked by Republicans who suggested that she received campaign dollars from you in exchange for lower minimum wages in American Samoa. As you know, neither Speaker Pelosi nor I have ever received or accepted one penny from Del Monte or Star Kist and a respectable company would have gone on record and made this known.
Once accusations of favoritism started circulating, House Democrats were under pressure to deny Samoa special treatment. In the end, a new bill was passed in which Samoa saw the same automatic minimum wage increases as the incorporated parts of the United States. In November 2008, StarKist laid off 20 workers and cut employee benefits at its Samoan cannery, citing ’dramatically escalating costs’ due in part to automatic wage increases.
Finally, the e-mail implies that Pelosi added a new credit for American Samoa’s economic development to the bailout bill. In fact, the bill extended an existing development credit first established by the Tax Relief and Health Care Act of 2006. As Speaker of the House, Pelosi was instrumental in drawing up the House version of the bailout amendment, though records don’t show exactly who wrote what. But the extension of American Samoa economic relief also appears in the Senate version, before it was sent to the House for consideration.
– Jess HenigSourcesStouffer, Rick. ’StarKist headquarters headed back to Pittsburgh.’ Pittsburgh Tribune-Review. 8 Oct. 2008.
Washington Times. ’Pelosi moves to close Samoa wage loophole.’ 13 Jan. 2007.
Blumer, Tom. ’Catch of the Day: The Pelosi-Samoa Connections May Be Even Deeper.’ NewsBusters. 12 Jan. 2007.
Associated Press. ’Democrats pledge to extend federal minimum wage to all US territories.’ 13 Jan. 2007.
Office of Rep. Faleomavaega. ’Faleomavaega Responds to StarKist’s Threats Regarding Minimum Wage.’ 11 May 2007.
Office of Rep. Faleomavaega. ’Senator Inouye Agrees to Faleomavaega’s Request to Offer Amendment Regarding Minimum Wage in American Samoa.’ 18 May 2007.
Associated Press. ’StarKist announces cuts in American Samoa.’ 19 Nov. 2008. (Redirected from Banana massacre)Banana MassacreLeaders of the banana plantations workers’ strike. From left to right: Pedro M. del Río, Bernardino Guerrero, Raúl Eduardo Mahecha, Nicanor Serrano and Erasmo Coronell. Guerrero and Coronell were killed by the Colombian army.
The Banana Massacre (Spanish: Matanza de las bananerasorSpanish: Masacre de las bananeras[1]) was a massacre of United Fruit Company workers that occurred between December 5 and 6, 1928 in the town of Ciénaga near Santa Marta, Colombia. The strike began on November 12, 1928, when the workers ceased to work until the company would reach an agreement with them to grant them dignified working conditions.[2] After several weeks with no agreement, in which the United Fruit Company refused to negotiate with the workers, the conservative government of Miguel Abadía Méndez sent the Colombian army in against the strikers, resulting in the massacre of thousands of people.
After U.S. officials in Colombia and United Fruit representatives portrayed the workers’ strike as ’communist’ with a ’subversive tendency’ in telegrams to Frank B. Kellogg, the United States Secretary of State,[3] the United States government threatened to invade with the U.S. Marine Corps if the Colombian government did not act to protect United Fruit’s interests. The Colombian government was also compelled to work for the interests of the company, considering they could cut off trade of Colombian bananas with significant markets such as the United States and Europe.[4]
Gabriel García Márquez depicted a fictional version of the massacre in his novel One Hundred Years of Solitude, as did Álvaro Cepeda Samudio in his La Casa Grande. Although García Márquez references the number of dead as around three thousand, the actual number of dead workers is unknown.Strike[edit]
The workers of the banana plantations in Colombia went on strike on November 12, 1928. The workers made nine demands from the United Fruit Company:
*Stop their practice of hiring through sub-contractors
*Mandatory collective insurance
*Compensation for work accidents
*Hygienic dormitories and 6 day work weeks
*Increase in daily pay for workers who earned less than 100 pesos per month
*Weekly wage
*Abolition of office stores
*Abolition of payment through coupons rather than money
*Improvement of hospital services [2]
The strike turned into the largest labor movement ever witnessed in the country until then. Radical members of the Liberal Party, as well as members of the Socialist and Communist Parties, participated.[5]
The workers wanted to be recognized as employees, and demanded the implementation of the Colombian legal framework of the 1920s.[6]Massacre[edit]
An army regiment from Bogotá was dispatched by the government to deal with the strikers, which it deemed to be subversive. Whether these troops were sent in at the behest of the United Fruit Company did not at first clearly emerge.
Three hundred soldiers were sent from Antioquia to Magdalena. There were no soldiers from Magdalena involved because General Cortes Vargas, the army-appointed military chief of the banana zone in charge of controlling the situation, did not believe they would be able to take effective actions, as they might be related to the plantation workers.[2]
The troops set up their machine guns on the roofs of the low buildings at the corners of the main square, closed off the access streets,[7]and, after issuing a five-minute warning that people should leave,[1] opened fire into a dense Sunday crowd of workers and their families including children. The people had gathered after Sunday Mass[7] to wait for an anticipated address from the governor.[8]Number of people dead[edit]
General Cortés Vargas, who commanded the troops during the massacre, took responsibility for 47 casualties. In reality, the exact number of casualties has never been confirmed. Herrera Soto, co-author of a comprehensive and detailed study of the 1928 strike, has put together various estimates given by contemporaries and historians, ranging from 47 to as high as 2,000.[1] According to Congressman Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, the killed strikers were thrown into the sea.[1] Other sources claim that the bodies were buried in mass graves.[2]
Among the survivors was Luis Vicente Gámez, later a famous local figure, who survived by hiding under a bridge for three days. Every year after the massacre he delivered a memorial service over the radio.
Another version by official Jose Gregorio Guerrero gave the number of dead as nine: eight civilians and one soldier. Guerrero added that Jorge Eliécer Gaitán had exaggerated the number of deaths.[9]
The press has reported different numbers of deaths and different opinions about the events that took place that night. The conclusion is that there is no agreed-on story, but rather diverse variations depending on the source they come from. The American press provided biased information on the strike.[2] The Colombian press was also biased depending on the political alignment of the publication. For example, the Bogotá-based newspaper El Tiempo stated that the workers were within their rights in wanting to improve their conditions. However, since the newspaper was politically conservative, they also noted that they did not agree with the strike.[2]Official U.S. telegrams[edit]
Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to the U.S. Secretary of State, Frank B. Kellogg, dated December 5, 1928, stated:
I have been following Santa Marta fruit strike through United Fruit Company representative here; also through Minister of Foreign Affairs who on Saturday told me government would send additional troops and would arrest all strike leaders and transport them to a prison in Cartagena; that government would give adequate protection to American interests involved.[3]
Telegram from Santa Marta Consulate to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 6, 1928, stated:
Feeling against the Government by the proletariat which is shared by some of the soldiers is high and it is doubtful if we can depend upon the Colombian Government for protection. May I respectfully suggest that my request for the presence within calling distance of an American warship be granted and that it stand off subject to my call .. It is admitted that the character of the strike has changed and that the disturbance is a manifestation with a subversive tendency.[3]
Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 7, 1928, stated:
Situation outside Santa Marta City unquestionably very serious: outside zone is in revolt; military who have orders ’not to spare ammunition’ have already killed and wounded about fifty strikers. Government now talks of general offensive against strikers as soon as all troopships now on the way arrive early next week.[3]
Telegram from the U.S. Department of State to Santa Marta Consulate, dated December 8, 1928, stated:
40 ultra respin. The Legation at Bogota reports that categorical orders have been given the authorities at Santa Marta to protect all American interests. The Department does not (repeat not) desire to send a warship to Santa Marta. Keep the Department informed of all developments by telegraph.[3]
Telegram from Santa Marta Consulate to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 9, 1928, stated:
Troop train from banana zone just arrived in Santa Marta with all American citizens. No Americans killed or wounded. Guerrilla warfare now continuing in the zone but military forces are actively engaged in clearing the district of the Communists.[3]
Dispatch from Santa Marta Consulate to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 11, 1928, stated:
Looting and killing was carried on from the moment the announcement of a state of Martial Law was made and the fact that the American residents in the Zone came out of it alive is due to the defense they put up for six hours when they held off the mob that was bent upon killing them. I was justified in calling for help and I shall welcome the opportunity to defend the position that I took on the morning of the sixth and until the afternoon of the eighth.[3]Dels Millions Fruit Machine
Dispatch from Bogotá Embassy to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 11, 1928, stated:Dels Millions Fruit Machine Recipes
The opposition press, that is, the press of the Liberal Party, is conducting a violent campaign against the Government for the methods used in breaking up the strike, and is bandying ugly words about, especially referring to the Minister of War and the military forces, words such as murderer and assassin being used. Although the thinking people of the country realize that it was only the Government’s prompt action that diverted a disaster, this insidious campaign of the Liberal press will undoubtedly work up a great deal of feeling against the Government and will tend to inculcate in the popular mind a belief that the Government was unduly hasty in protecting the interests of the United Fruit Company. The Conservative journals are defending the Government’s course but I doubt that their counter-fire will suffice to do away with the damage the Liberal journals are causing.[3]
Dispatch from U.S. Bogotá Embassy to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 29, 1928, stated:
I have the honor to report that the legal advisor of the United Fruit Company here in Bogotá stated yesterday that the total number of strikers killed by the Colombian military authorities during the recent disturbance reached between five and six hundred; while the number of soldiers killed was one.[3]
Dispatch from U.S. Bogotá Embassy to the US Secretary of State, dated January 16, 1929, stated:
I have the honor to report that the Bogotá representative of the United Fruit Company told me yesterday that the total number of strikers killed by the Colombian military exceeded 1000.[3]Consequences[edit]
Guerrilla movements in Colombia such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) argued that the growth of Communism in Colombia was triggered by atrocities like these, and called it state terrorism.
Some sources claim there are connections between this massacre and the atrocities committed in more recent years by Chiquita Brands in Colombian territory.[10] Chiquita admitted paying
https://diarynote.indered.space
Q: Did Nancy Pelosi get wage breaks and tax credits for the American Samoan operations of a company in which her husband owns $17 million worth of stock?
A: This widely e-mailed claim is false. Pelosi’s husband doesn’t own that stock, despite what a bogus Wikipedia entry briefly claimed. Furthermore, American Samoa never got the minimum wage exemption it sought.
*Luzon (Tagalog pronunciation: or ) is the largest and most populous island in the Philippines.It is ranked 15th largest in the world by land area.Located in the northern portion of the archipelago, it is the economic and political center of the nation, being home to the country’s capital city, Manila, as well as Quezon City, the country’s most populous city.
*Pelosi’s 2007 financial disclosure statement, which lists between $9 million and $11 million in stocks owned by her husband, shows no StarKist, Del Monte or Heinz stock holdings.
Shape the cookies using the machine, and then place the cookies into the oven! Chocolate-making Mix together the cocoa powder, sugar, and milk, etc. Then, pour the chocolate mixture into the mold, and then place it into the refrigerator to chill! Jelly-making Choose a fruit that you are fond of, and then make juice with it. Learn why Mars is the company millions want to join, stay and grow with. Visit This Section Petcare Mars Wrigley Food Edge Sustainability Plan. Back Sustainability Plan Sustainability Plan At Mars, we are committed to helping create a safe, healthy and sustainable world for our partners and the communities in which we operate.
FULL QUESTION
I received this e-mail. Is it true?
Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi’s home House District includes San Francisco.
@isc888bkk. Star-Kist Tuna’s headquarters are in San Francisco, Pelosi’s home district.
Star-Kist is owned by Del Monte Foods and is a major contributor to Pelosi.
Star-Kist is the major employer in American Samoa employing 75% of the Samoan workforce.
[EET ]Paul Pelosi, Nancy’s husband, owns $17 million dollars of Star-Kist stock.
In January, 2007 when the minimum wage was increased from $5.15 to $7.25, Pelosi had American Samoa exempted from the increase so Del Monte would not have to pay the higher wage. This would make Del Monte products less expensive than their competition’s.
Last week when the huge bailout bill was passed, Pelosi added an earmark to the final bill adding $33 million dollars for an ’economic development credit in American Samoa’.
Pelosi has called the Bush Administration ’corrupt’.
She should know.[/EET]
FULL ANSWER
This is the latest version of a falsehood that’s been circulating since January 2007, when Congress was debating a minimum wage increase. The central claims are all wrong.
No $17 Million in Stock
To start, it’s simply not true that Pelosi’s husband owns $17 million worth of Del Monte stock, giving her a ’corrupt’ motive to aid the company. (Nor does he own such an interest in Del Monte’s primary shareholder, Heinz, as alleged in some versions of this message.)
We traced this false claim back to a 2007 article in the conservative NewsBusters blog, which attributed it only to a single, unsupported sentence in Wikipedia’s article on Del Monte. That’s hardly an authoritative source. Wikipedia articles may be written or edited by any user, making the site notorious for its vulnerability to false entries, pranks and vandalism. NewsBusters editors later admitted that its claim ’has not otherwise been verified’ and that ’there is reason to believe that the claim of such ownership interest on the part of Paul Pelosi is suspect.’ Actually, NewsBusters fell for a Wikipedia hoax.
The sentence about Paul Pelosi was added to the Del Monte Foods article on Jan. 12, 2007, the same day that the NewsBusters article was published. Within six hours, a Wikipedia editor flagged it as ’not verified’ and ’unsourced’ and then quickly deleted it altogether. Pelosi’s 2007 financial disclosure statement, which lists between $9 million and $11 million in stocks owned by her husband, shows no StarKist, Del Monte or Heinz stock holdings. Neither do her 2006 or 2005 reports. Filing a false disclosure statement is a serious offense, carrying a fine of up to $10,000, and we’ve seen no evidence that Pelosi’s report is inaccurate.
No ’Major Contributor’
It is also untrue that Del Monte is a ’major contributor’ to Pelosi, or a contributor at all. The company doesn’t rank among her top contributors in any year, and neither does the National Food Processors Association PAC, to which Del Monte contributes. A search of contribution records covering the last 18 years shows that Pelosi has not received any contributions of $200 or more from Del Monte or StarKist employees.
No Evidence of Favortism
Stripped of the false claims that Pelosi stood to profit personally from her action, or that she was acting to favor a campaign donor, the e-mail’s claim amounts to nothing more than accusing her of doing favors for a company located in her home district. That’s pretty much what House members are elected to do. But even this claim rests on flimsy evidence.
It is true that StarKist Tuna was, until recently, owned by Del Monte Foods and headquartered in Pelosi’s home district. On October 7, the company was bought out by South Korean conglomerate Dongwon Industries, which moved the headquarters to Pittsburgh. It’s true that StarKist is a major employer in American Samoa, where tuna canning is a backbone of the economy. And it’s true that American Samoa was exempted from the minimum wage increase that the House passed in 2007. But that’s where the solid parts of this e-mail end.
It’s not at all clear that Pelosi pushed to shield American Samoa from minimum wage increases. A spokesperson for Pelosi has said that the exemption was requested by delegate Eni Faleomavaega, who represents American Samoa in a nonvoting capacity. We can’t say for certain that Pelosi had no hand in pushing the Samoan exemption. But there’s no evidence that she did. For his part, Faleomavaega was vocal about his concerns regarding the impact that automatic minimum wage increases would have on the Samoan economy. Faleomavaega supported a minimum wage increase, but wanted Congress to work out a different way to improve wages in Samoa, one that would have less impact on the territory’s economy.
Faleomavaega also criticized Del Monte for failing to respond to rumors that Pelosi was showing them favoritism because of their political contributions:
Letter to Del Monte president, May 11, 2007: Throughout the minimum wage debate, Del Monte has chosen to remain silent while Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi has been unfairly attacked by Republicans who suggested that she received campaign dollars from you in exchange for lower minimum wages in American Samoa. As you know, neither Speaker Pelosi nor I have ever received or accepted one penny from Del Monte or Star Kist and a respectable company would have gone on record and made this known.
Once accusations of favoritism started circulating, House Democrats were under pressure to deny Samoa special treatment. In the end, a new bill was passed in which Samoa saw the same automatic minimum wage increases as the incorporated parts of the United States. In November 2008, StarKist laid off 20 workers and cut employee benefits at its Samoan cannery, citing ’dramatically escalating costs’ due in part to automatic wage increases.
Finally, the e-mail implies that Pelosi added a new credit for American Samoa’s economic development to the bailout bill. In fact, the bill extended an existing development credit first established by the Tax Relief and Health Care Act of 2006. As Speaker of the House, Pelosi was instrumental in drawing up the House version of the bailout amendment, though records don’t show exactly who wrote what. But the extension of American Samoa economic relief also appears in the Senate version, before it was sent to the House for consideration.
– Jess HenigSourcesStouffer, Rick. ’StarKist headquarters headed back to Pittsburgh.’ Pittsburgh Tribune-Review. 8 Oct. 2008.
Washington Times. ’Pelosi moves to close Samoa wage loophole.’ 13 Jan. 2007.
Blumer, Tom. ’Catch of the Day: The Pelosi-Samoa Connections May Be Even Deeper.’ NewsBusters. 12 Jan. 2007.
Associated Press. ’Democrats pledge to extend federal minimum wage to all US territories.’ 13 Jan. 2007.
Office of Rep. Faleomavaega. ’Faleomavaega Responds to StarKist’s Threats Regarding Minimum Wage.’ 11 May 2007.
Office of Rep. Faleomavaega. ’Senator Inouye Agrees to Faleomavaega’s Request to Offer Amendment Regarding Minimum Wage in American Samoa.’ 18 May 2007.
Associated Press. ’StarKist announces cuts in American Samoa.’ 19 Nov. 2008. (Redirected from Banana massacre)Banana MassacreLeaders of the banana plantations workers’ strike. From left to right: Pedro M. del Río, Bernardino Guerrero, Raúl Eduardo Mahecha, Nicanor Serrano and Erasmo Coronell. Guerrero and Coronell were killed by the Colombian army.
The Banana Massacre (Spanish: Matanza de las bananerasorSpanish: Masacre de las bananeras[1]) was a massacre of United Fruit Company workers that occurred between December 5 and 6, 1928 in the town of Ciénaga near Santa Marta, Colombia. The strike began on November 12, 1928, when the workers ceased to work until the company would reach an agreement with them to grant them dignified working conditions.[2] After several weeks with no agreement, in which the United Fruit Company refused to negotiate with the workers, the conservative government of Miguel Abadía Méndez sent the Colombian army in against the strikers, resulting in the massacre of thousands of people.
After U.S. officials in Colombia and United Fruit representatives portrayed the workers’ strike as ’communist’ with a ’subversive tendency’ in telegrams to Frank B. Kellogg, the United States Secretary of State,[3] the United States government threatened to invade with the U.S. Marine Corps if the Colombian government did not act to protect United Fruit’s interests. The Colombian government was also compelled to work for the interests of the company, considering they could cut off trade of Colombian bananas with significant markets such as the United States and Europe.[4]
Gabriel García Márquez depicted a fictional version of the massacre in his novel One Hundred Years of Solitude, as did Álvaro Cepeda Samudio in his La Casa Grande. Although García Márquez references the number of dead as around three thousand, the actual number of dead workers is unknown.Strike[edit]
The workers of the banana plantations in Colombia went on strike on November 12, 1928. The workers made nine demands from the United Fruit Company:
*Stop their practice of hiring through sub-contractors
*Mandatory collective insurance
*Compensation for work accidents
*Hygienic dormitories and 6 day work weeks
*Increase in daily pay for workers who earned less than 100 pesos per month
*Weekly wage
*Abolition of office stores
*Abolition of payment through coupons rather than money
*Improvement of hospital services [2]
The strike turned into the largest labor movement ever witnessed in the country until then. Radical members of the Liberal Party, as well as members of the Socialist and Communist Parties, participated.[5]
The workers wanted to be recognized as employees, and demanded the implementation of the Colombian legal framework of the 1920s.[6]Massacre[edit]
An army regiment from Bogotá was dispatched by the government to deal with the strikers, which it deemed to be subversive. Whether these troops were sent in at the behest of the United Fruit Company did not at first clearly emerge.
Three hundred soldiers were sent from Antioquia to Magdalena. There were no soldiers from Magdalena involved because General Cortes Vargas, the army-appointed military chief of the banana zone in charge of controlling the situation, did not believe they would be able to take effective actions, as they might be related to the plantation workers.[2]
The troops set up their machine guns on the roofs of the low buildings at the corners of the main square, closed off the access streets,[7]and, after issuing a five-minute warning that people should leave,[1] opened fire into a dense Sunday crowd of workers and their families including children. The people had gathered after Sunday Mass[7] to wait for an anticipated address from the governor.[8]Number of people dead[edit]
General Cortés Vargas, who commanded the troops during the massacre, took responsibility for 47 casualties. In reality, the exact number of casualties has never been confirmed. Herrera Soto, co-author of a comprehensive and detailed study of the 1928 strike, has put together various estimates given by contemporaries and historians, ranging from 47 to as high as 2,000.[1] According to Congressman Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, the killed strikers were thrown into the sea.[1] Other sources claim that the bodies were buried in mass graves.[2]
Among the survivors was Luis Vicente Gámez, later a famous local figure, who survived by hiding under a bridge for three days. Every year after the massacre he delivered a memorial service over the radio.
Another version by official Jose Gregorio Guerrero gave the number of dead as nine: eight civilians and one soldier. Guerrero added that Jorge Eliécer Gaitán had exaggerated the number of deaths.[9]
The press has reported different numbers of deaths and different opinions about the events that took place that night. The conclusion is that there is no agreed-on story, but rather diverse variations depending on the source they come from. The American press provided biased information on the strike.[2] The Colombian press was also biased depending on the political alignment of the publication. For example, the Bogotá-based newspaper El Tiempo stated that the workers were within their rights in wanting to improve their conditions. However, since the newspaper was politically conservative, they also noted that they did not agree with the strike.[2]Official U.S. telegrams[edit]
Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to the U.S. Secretary of State, Frank B. Kellogg, dated December 5, 1928, stated:
I have been following Santa Marta fruit strike through United Fruit Company representative here; also through Minister of Foreign Affairs who on Saturday told me government would send additional troops and would arrest all strike leaders and transport them to a prison in Cartagena; that government would give adequate protection to American interests involved.[3]
Telegram from Santa Marta Consulate to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 6, 1928, stated:
Feeling against the Government by the proletariat which is shared by some of the soldiers is high and it is doubtful if we can depend upon the Colombian Government for protection. May I respectfully suggest that my request for the presence within calling distance of an American warship be granted and that it stand off subject to my call .. It is admitted that the character of the strike has changed and that the disturbance is a manifestation with a subversive tendency.[3]
Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 7, 1928, stated:
Situation outside Santa Marta City unquestionably very serious: outside zone is in revolt; military who have orders ’not to spare ammunition’ have already killed and wounded about fifty strikers. Government now talks of general offensive against strikers as soon as all troopships now on the way arrive early next week.[3]
Telegram from the U.S. Department of State to Santa Marta Consulate, dated December 8, 1928, stated:
40 ultra respin. The Legation at Bogota reports that categorical orders have been given the authorities at Santa Marta to protect all American interests. The Department does not (repeat not) desire to send a warship to Santa Marta. Keep the Department informed of all developments by telegraph.[3]
Telegram from Santa Marta Consulate to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 9, 1928, stated:
Troop train from banana zone just arrived in Santa Marta with all American citizens. No Americans killed or wounded. Guerrilla warfare now continuing in the zone but military forces are actively engaged in clearing the district of the Communists.[3]
Dispatch from Santa Marta Consulate to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 11, 1928, stated:
Looting and killing was carried on from the moment the announcement of a state of Martial Law was made and the fact that the American residents in the Zone came out of it alive is due to the defense they put up for six hours when they held off the mob that was bent upon killing them. I was justified in calling for help and I shall welcome the opportunity to defend the position that I took on the morning of the sixth and until the afternoon of the eighth.[3]Dels Millions Fruit Machine
Dispatch from Bogotá Embassy to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 11, 1928, stated:Dels Millions Fruit Machine Recipes
The opposition press, that is, the press of the Liberal Party, is conducting a violent campaign against the Government for the methods used in breaking up the strike, and is bandying ugly words about, especially referring to the Minister of War and the military forces, words such as murderer and assassin being used. Although the thinking people of the country realize that it was only the Government’s prompt action that diverted a disaster, this insidious campaign of the Liberal press will undoubtedly work up a great deal of feeling against the Government and will tend to inculcate in the popular mind a belief that the Government was unduly hasty in protecting the interests of the United Fruit Company. The Conservative journals are defending the Government’s course but I doubt that their counter-fire will suffice to do away with the damage the Liberal journals are causing.[3]
Dispatch from U.S. Bogotá Embassy to the U.S. Secretary of State, dated December 29, 1928, stated:
I have the honor to report that the legal advisor of the United Fruit Company here in Bogotá stated yesterday that the total number of strikers killed by the Colombian military authorities during the recent disturbance reached between five and six hundred; while the number of soldiers killed was one.[3]
Dispatch from U.S. Bogotá Embassy to the US Secretary of State, dated January 16, 1929, stated:
I have the honor to report that the Bogotá representative of the United Fruit Company told me yesterday that the total number of strikers killed by the Colombian military exceeded 1000.[3]Consequences[edit]
Guerrilla movements in Colombia such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) argued that the growth of Communism in Colombia was triggered by atrocities like these, and called it state terrorism.
Some sources claim there are connections between this massacre and the atrocities committed in more recent years by Chiquita Brands in Colombian territory.[10] Chiquita admitted paying
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